King Charles I, Stuart, with Seignior de St. Antoine
1633 Portrait by Anthony van Dyck
Buckingham Palace, Royal Collection

        Charles’ part in this war brought him into immediate conflict with England’s Puritans, as well as with Protestant Scotland. The new middle-class in Scotland, skilled artisans, merchants and lawyers, saw opportunities from social change. Their support for an independent Scottish Church gave them precious local power. In eastern Scotland they became involved in local sessions courts and used the hysteria of the time to persecute the disadvantaged.

        The Anglican clergy, who King James turned to for support, were extremely unpopular among large elements of the community, especially the Puritans, for their high-handed methods. Persecution in England during the reign of James had inspired the Puritan Plymouth settlement in Massachusetts in 1620, following the establishment of the colony of Jamestown in Virginia in 1607. Both of these became extremely important in the history of the MacDonalds of both Ireland and of Scotland, providing a place of refuge from English persecution for the next hundred and fifty years.

        Charles’ Lord Deputy in Ireland, Thomas Wentworth, the Earl of Strafford, had been dispatched in July, 1633 to find “the opportunity and means to supply the King’s wants,” which he did quite efficiently while he also began to build a palace at Jigginstown in Kildare, in which he hoped to entertain Charles. Strafford promised the Catholic old English and Irish “the king’s Royal Grace and Bounty” in exchange for money, and then, upon performance by his victims, withheld “the graces,” fining them and confiscating their property on the flimsiest excuse. The City of London Guilds lost their charter in Ulster for not fulfilling the terms of their original grant. The Earl of Cork lost the college of Youghal and was fined £15,000 for similar reasons. Those, like the Leinster MacDonnells, who had supported the “old English,” had lost status because their patrons, with reason, were no longer trusted in England. Families like the FitzGeralds and Butlers had become too closely identified with the native Irish, to whom they were perceived to be more loyal than they were to the crown. There is no reason to expect that the Leinster MacDonnells would have been exempt from Strafford’s schemes.

        Fergus MacDonnell, 6th of Leinster, died at Tighearna Coille on May 9, 1637, succeeded by his son James. The Inquisition (probate) of his estate was held at Maryborough and was far more elaborate than any previous grant of the property, consisting of more than fifty folios.  It showed that all 31 townlands still comprised the manor of Tighearna Coille, plus "all that had been in possession of his ancestors," a clause so comprehensive as to be remarkable.  In addition, attached to the manor were a number of rights, jurisdictions, franchises, liberties, privileges and the power to hold Courts Baron and Courts Leet. The Lord of the Manor was allowed to enclose a deer-park and a free warren, with the right of chasing all game, taking by springs or nets partridges and pheasants &c, opulence reminiscent of that enjoyed by the FitzGerald earls. He could compel his tenants to grind their grain at the manor’s mill. He was also granted a weekly market and an annual fair, which took place on the 21st, 22nd, and 23rd of September each year. The inquisition also found that Fergus had, in January, 1620, granted a lease of the lands of Acragar &c., for forty one years to Edward Jaco, gent., late of Dollardstown in Co. Kildare. One of the jurors in this inquisition was Thomas FitzGerald of Ballymullrony, gent. 

        Alexander, Hugh Buidhe’s second son, followed a military career, discussed above.  Brian (1580-1637), his third son, was the father of Alexander, born in 1613, who married Helena, daughter of Thomas Archbold. They lived at Wilcaoorn, Queens County, in 1589, according to a Trinity College deposition. Helena had been born in Arklow, Co. Wicklow. Alexander has been identified as governor of the town of Wicklow (in 1641) and may have succeeded his father in that office. A town governor in that era was something between a mayor and a military governor. Alexander had a large family, but only the names of three sons are known. The oldest was Thomas, and the two younger were Brian and Archibald. There remains no record of where Alexander and his family lived after he became governor, although there still is an estate on the outskirts of the town, now occupied with a hotel, which still bears its historical name, “Tinakilly House.” It is probable that Tinakilly Townland was the location, and that Alexander named his home in Wicklow in honor of his birthplace in Queens County.  It was an impressive estate and became more impressive after Fergus, 8th of Leinster, moved to Wicklow c.1690 and leased the farm of Coolavina or Coolavin, an estate of more than 398 acres next to Tinakilly. Alexander's headstone in the Presbyterian Cemetery, just across the road from the entrance to Tinakilly House, although very old, clearly reads:

“Here lieth the body of Mr Alexander McDonald who departed this life March 30th, 1683 in the 70th year of his age."      

        As King Charles’ wars with Scotland began, he required Scottish settlers in the north to take an oath of allegiance which came to be known as “the black oath.” Strafford managed to alienate every influential group in Ireland, ostensibly in his efforts to support Charles, but probably also in order to thwart the Earl Of Antrim. He was particularly horrified that the king was prepared to arm a Catholic army “of naked and inexperienced Irishmen,” or “as many O’s and Mac’s as would startle a whole council board,” and “in the great part the sons of habituated traitors.” Worse, in Strafford’s eyes, was that this army was to be led by Antrim, a Papist “of the race of ÓNeale and, upon my knowledge the great admirer of his grandfather Tyrone.” Despite Strafford’s skepticism, MacDonnell continued to support Charles and, in May, 1641, was prepared to rally the “new Irish army” which had been raised by Strafford in 1640 to fight in Scotland, and to use it against the king’s rebellious English Parliament if the occasion demanded. He supported “the free exercise of the Roman religion, which I am devoted to and am engaged to maintain in duty to God and respect of my future happiness and salvation.” But he was also dedicated to support Charles I. He therefore threw himself into the royalist war-effort. Between the Spring of 1642 and 1644, Antrim hatched at least three plots with Charles and his queen, Henrietta Maria, which involved raising and sending an Irish army against the Scottish rebels. The first ended in disaster when Antrim was treacherously seized in his own castle of Dun Luce after he had just entertained Munro at a banquet. However, Antrim’s strategy was frustrated by the outbreak of the Irish rebellion in October 1641, which was the inevitable result of English oppression, especially in Ulster. If Antrim was discommoded, Strafford was recalled to London, losing his head in company with his master, the king, and Jigginstown House was never completed.

        “Alasdair macCholla Chiotaich” (Alexander the left-handed or ambidextrous son of Colla, implying one who fights with either hand, rather than merely the son of one who possessed that ability), son of Colla Ciotach of Colonsay, was captured on Colonsay by the forces of the Earl of Argyll, commanded by Duncan Campbell of Auchinbreck, Lord of Castle Sween. Not allowed to return to Colonsay, Alasdair and his brother Raghnall made their way to Ulster where they secured commissions in Antrim’s regiment. In November, 1640, Alasdair, with about 80 men, conducted a raid on Islay, apparently seeking hostages to exchange for his father and brothers, who were still held at Dunstaffanage by the Campbells. Affectionately known as “Colkitto,” (Little Colla) after his father, Alasdair married Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Hector MacAlister of Loup and was captain of one of the two Irish companies in Antrim’s regiment, the other being commanded by Art Ogh ÓCahan. Described by Patrick Gordon of Ruthven as “of such extraordinarie strenth and agilitie as there was non that equalled or came neire him,” Alasdair was said by one source to be 7 feet, 2 inches and by another, 6 feet, 6 inches tall, in either case, a giant by 17th Century standards. His sword was described as being furnished “down the back of the blade with a rod along which an iron ball weighing 10 lbs. rolled from hilt to point to give extra force to its stroke.” He had made his home at Ballypatrick, Culffeightrim in Antrim, near his grandfather’s castle of Kinbane. Colkitto apparently had three sons, Colla á Mhuillinn (Coll the Miller), born c.1645; Gilleaspic Mhór, Lord Murlough and Kilmore (in Glenariff), born c.1647, who inherited his father’s stature and served as a “distinguished officer” later in Ireland; and John of Tanaughconny, born c.1648, who was too young for war and never bore arms.

        The Irish chieftains, robbed of their land and their sovereignty, had sat on their diminished acres with their warriors around them and watched as the English were defeated by the Scots, biding their time as England slipped toward civil war. They counted the small numbers of ill-trained soldiers who now manned the forts and block houses in Ireland, listened to fanatic Counter-Reformation priests and wrote letters to France, Spain and the Vatican. Finally, they decided the time had come. Led by Rory ÓMoore of Offaly, who had planned, organized and sought support among leading Irish families at home and abroad, the Rising commenced on the night of October 21, 1641 in Ulster.  James MacDonnell, 7th of Leinster, now 25 years old, with all the passion of his youth and related to the ÓMoores by marriage, joined the rebellion two days later and was made a Colonel of the Confederate Catholics. On February 8, 1642, the Lords Justices proclaimed a reward of £400 and a free pardon, for his head.  Shortly thereafter in 1642, James received a visit from the Marquis of Antrim.  There is no known record of what they discussed, or of what actions resulted from the visit, but it was afterward brought up against the Marquis as proof of disaffection to the crown and an argument against the restoration of Antrim's estates.

        With strong support from the persecuted priesthood, Catholic Ulster clans of MacFelim ÓNeill of Clandeboye, Magennis, ÓDonnelly, ÓHanlon, ÓHagan, MacMahon, Maguire, ÓQuinn, ÓFarrell, ÓReilly and many others, burst from the hills and retook Ulster as far south as Dundalk, except for the fortified towns, in one night. Alasdair Carrach MacDonnell of Antrim had died earlier in the year, but his eighteen-year-old son and successor, James, accompanied Owen Roe ÓNeill to the Rebel assembly at Clones, although he did not play a prominent role.

        Randal MacDonnell, the Earl of Antrim, the most powerful Catholic lord in Ulster, who was sitting in Parliament in Dublin when it occurred, did not openly associate himself with the rebellion, although he was planning his own royalist coup in Dublin. Randal retained his options, but his new regiment, intended to maintain order in Eastern Ulster, became divided along sectarian lines, with Archibald Stewart occupying Coleraine and protecting Protestant residents, while Colkitto and a large Catholic force swept across the Bann and took Dun Luce and Clough castles. English tower-houses like Donegal Castle, Monea Castle in Fermanagh and Castle Caulfield in Tyrone provided little impediment to the determined revolutionaries. Within days the Irish army under Sir Phelim ÓNeill, who claimed to be acting under a commission from King Charles, numbered nearly 30,000. But the native Irish, although allied with the Anglo-Irish of the Pale by religion, actually felt no loyalty to an English Protestant king. The seizing of Dublin Castle was to have been the signal for the rising in the Capital. But due to a traitor named Connelly, two of the remonstrants, MacMahon and Maguire, who with ÓMoore were to have taken the castle, were themselves taken, and ÓMoore barely escaped. Once again the descendants of ancient Cineal Cholla had been frustrated by treachery stemming from a lack of national identity. It was months later before Leinster and Munster joined the rebellion, and Connacht later still.

        After assaulting and dispersing an English force at Portnaw in January, 1642, when Colkitto and Art Ogh ÓCahan besieged Clough, ÓCahan called upon the garrison commander, Walter Kennedy, to surrender. It is said he responded: “Never surrender to an ÓNeill the castle that belonged to a MacDonnell!” (The ÓCahans were close kin of the ÓNeills.) Colkitto was so pleased by the flattery that he promised that if the castle were peacefully surrendered, the garrison would be allowed to evacuate in safety and the non-combatants allowed to return to their homes with all their possessions. That being more generous than anything Kennedy could have expected, he surrendered and Colkitto kept his word. Nine days later, on February 11, 1642, Archibald Stewart, with a force of three hundred English and six hundred Scots Protestants, marched out of Coleraine and attacked Colkitto’s and Art’s camp at Ballymoney on the Laney. When Alasdair employed “cothrom ábhraígh” (advantage of the high ground) and the famous Highland charge, Stewart’s aggressive little army was decisively routed with heavy casualties, losing several colors. The remnants managed to return to Coleraine, but afterward, the numerous Protestants in Ulster stayed in the garrison towns that were left to them, leaving the countryside to the Catholic rebels.

        A Protestant - Catholic confederacy was formed at Kilkenny in 1642, made up of the Anglo-Norman Catholics, led by the Earl of Strafford’s Protestant successor, James Butler, Duke of Ormonde, Charles’ Lord Lieutenant for Ireland (1610-1688), and some of the native Irish. It did provide Ireland with a “General Assembly” (not called a parliament because of loyalty to the king, who was the only one who could convene a “parliament”). The Assembly functioned for six years, but it did not succeed in uniting its factions. To the ire of clerics, it refused to discriminate against Protestants, and so confined its efforts to land disputes. This was contentious as well. Old English rebels worried that they would lose their land, while Irish rebels chaffed that they had none. Randal MacDonnell eventually returned to Antrim and took command of his regiment. In response to Catholic successes, General Hector Munro, Colonel Sir Duncan Campbell of Auchinbreck and an army numbering some 10,000 troops, including artillery, was sent to Ulster by Argyll and the Scottish Parliament in April, 1642 to protect English and Scottish settlers, as well as to preclude further attacks on Argyll’s hegemony in the Hebrides. Munro landed at Carrickfergus and was joined by local levies including a cavalry regiment raised by Lord Conway, undertaking a ruthless scorched earth campaign. He captured Newry in 1642, but did not take nearby Belfast until 1644. Various Irish confederate armies operated in Ulster and Leinster throughout the English Civil War. English parliamentary armies also operated in both the north and south of Ireland. Dublin was held by Ormonde and his army of royalists, basically consisting of English Protestants, which made negotiations for peace with the Confederates in 1646 difficult and protracted.

        The English laid siege to the MacDonnells’ Kinbane Castle, whose constables were now MacAlisters of Loup, but, with the aid of signal fires on the nearby headlands, allies came to their relief from all directions. The English troops were surrounded in “Lag na Sasunnaich” (Hollow of the Saxons) below the walls of the castle and massacred by the MacDonnells. Munro’s troops did take and raze the MacDonnell stronghold at Dunseverick, so that part of a tower is all that remains. Meanwhile, Colkitto resigned his siege of Coleraine due to the arrival of English reinforcements. At Drummacquin near Raphoe in Donegal on June 16, 1642, in an ill-conceived attack commanded by Sir Phelim ÓNeill, Colkitto was badly wounded in the thigh by a musket ball and left for dead on the field. He was rescued by Art Ogh ÓCahan and taken on a horse litter to Newry, “to the house of a priest named ÓCrilly” to recover.

        Meanwhile, Protestant forces were carrying all before them and the Irish Catholics had scattered into the countryside. Leslie was informed that Colkitto MacDonnell, since the capture of the Earl of Antrim, was the most competent of the Catholic military leaders remaining in Ulster. The Covenant general had therefore cleverly set about to remove him from the equation. Knowing that his father and two brothers were in Argyll’s custody, the general offered to free them in exchange for Colkitto’s services in Argyll’s regiment. He had Campbell of Auchinbreck write to his uncle, Argyll, on September 19, 1642, seeking ratification of the treaty and that Leven’s side of the bargain be kept. That the Earl of Leven lacked the power to deliver on his offer was beside the point to this hypocritical Covenanter. The least that he could accomplish was to compromise Catholic leadership for a time.

        Certainly, Colkitto, at the time on convalescent leave from his regiment, was compelled to consider any maneuver by which his family could be freed and their property restored. King Charles had ended his conflict with Parliament by negotiation and Antrim had escaped from Carrickfergus on October 21, following the arrival of Owen Roe ÓNeill in July. Colkitto was thereby relieved from his immediate leadership responsibilities so, sending the Covenanters some cattle, probably formerly the property of Sasunnach planters, as a token of good faith, he undertook to negotiate the release of his relatives. From this point, the record of events is reduced to tradition and was undoubtedly embellished by the tellers. Calling upon Argyll in Scotland accompanied by Leslie, Colkitto was ostensibly offered a post in Argyll’s army. But, upon strong objections by the other gentry of the province, Campbell is said to have reneged on his offer saying, “Chan éil e freagrach dhomh-sa oifig a thabhairt dhuit aig an am seo.” (It is not convenient for me to give you a commission at the present time.) Without comment, Colkitto began his return journey to Ireland. At Douglas Water, a messenger from Argyll caught up with him and said if he would come back, the earl would try to do something for him. Alasdair is said to have replied as he turned from the messenger to resume his journey, “Fuich! Fuich! Mar fhiach facal Iarla Earra-Gháidheal anns á cheart am seo fhéin, chan éil e ro choltach gur fhiach e a rithis.” (Fie! Fie! Unless the Earl of Argyll’s word is worth something at present, it is not likely that it will be worth anything hereafter.)

        Another tale that is intrinsic to Colonsay MacDonnell heritage asserts that Colkitto was actually given a commission in Campbell of Auchinbreck’s regiment, but with deceitful intent. A servant was supposedly sent from Argyll to Auchinbreck instructing him to have Alasdair killed. The servant was told that he would know Auchinbreck by his height and his black locks of hair. Seeing Colkitto first, who also was tall with black locks, the servant delivered the message to him by mistake. MacDonnell had the message sent on to Campbell and was subsequently invited to a regimental dinner the next day. But, being forewarned, Colkitto sent Auchinbreck a message before he escaped saying, “Cha dean mise ort-sa ‘san mar a bha thusa a los a dhéanamh orm-sa. Bha thusa a los mise a mharbhadh. Cha mharbh mise thusa aig an ám seo, ach fan ás mo rathad ‘na dhéidh seo.” (I will not do to you at present what you intended to do to me. You intended to kill me. I will not kill you now, but keep out of my way after this.)

        Meanwhile, Gilleasbuig Gruamach (Grim Archibald), the 8th Campbell Earl of Argyll, had carried out the final massacre of MacDonalds on Rathlin Island. Shortly after General Alexander Leslie, The Earl of Leven, took over command of Protestant forces in Ulster in August, 1642, Campbell, seeking his own benefit as usual, took advantage of Sir Felim ÓNeill’s reverses and ordered the raid on Rathlin Island in which the MacDonnell inhabitants were massacred. 1600 Campbells invaded the island and, once again, literally swept it bare of every living thing. According to local tradition, a battle took place at “Lag an Bhriste Mhór” (Hollow of the Great Defeat). There is a hill to the east of the battle site called “Cnoc na Sgreadailaine” (Hill of the Screaming), where it is said that the women of the island watched the battle. Having disposed of the badly outnumbered MacDonnell warriors, Argyll’s men then drove the women and children over the cliffs at a place since called “Sloc na Cailleach” (Chasm of the Old Women). This marked the end of the MacDonnells’ long occupation of the island, which was then uninhabited for some time. Although there is a possibility of some confusion of this event with earlier atrocities, there is no conflicting evidence and this massacre is quite consistent with contemporary Campbell decisions, such as Glencoe, fifty years later.

        Owen Roe ÓNeill, former commander of the Irish Brigade in the Spanish Army where he had served with distinction for almost 30 years, was a cousin of Antrim and a nephew of their common ancestor, Hugh ÓNeill, 2nd Earl of Tyrone. He returned to Ireland in July, 1642, bringing with him a good number of the “earls” who had fled to the continent with his uncle and replacing as commander in the north, Sir Phelim ÓNeill, whose forces were in disarray. News of ÓNeill’s arrival quickly spread across Ulster, reviving Confederate hopes. But he soon came into conflict with some of the Protestant leaders of the Confederacy. ÓNeill advocated the complete independence of Ireland from England, whereas the majority of the leaders favored only a settlement providing for religious liberty and an Irish constitution under the English Crown. Papal Nuncio to the Irish rebels, Giovanni Battista Rinuccini, also opposed an alliance with Ormonde, whom he saw as the heretic envoy of a heretic prince. Even though Charles I instructed Ormonde, in early 1643, to treat with the Irish Confederacy, it is true that the king, Ormonde and Cromwell were all Protestant, leaving little to choose among for the Catholic Irish. But the Spanish and the papacy supplied more advice than money or troops and there could be no Irish victory without outside help. The only solution for the Irish was removal of Protestants from the island. Ultimately, compromise with Ormonde would serve no purpose. Whether king or parliament was victorious, neither was likely to return to the Irish their stolen lands. As to religion, the Irish wanted the Catholic faith restored “in its splendor,” and heresy rooted out.

        In May, 1643, The Earl of Antrim was received by the queen and undertook, both to arrange a truce in Ireland and to raise 20,000 men to serve against the Covenanters. But, on his way back to Ireland, he was again captured and was found to be carrying papers that concerned the planned rising in Scotland by Montrose with support from Ireland. Under torture, one of Antrim’s servants revealed that “Collkittoch’s sones” were to be involved in the enterprise, ending any hope of securing their family’s release. Its political and military ramifications were again disastrous in that in Scotland, news that Charles had been conspiring against the Covenanters was decisive in convincing moderate politicians to ally with Parliament and to sign the “Solemn League and Covenant” in September, 1643. The Covenanters also agreed to send an army of 21,000 men into England to fight for Parliament against the king, where they played a key part in the parliamentary victory at Marston Moor in July, 1644, when the king’s northern army was defeated.

        After spending the winter in Colonsay with a force of some 300 men, where he harassed James Campbell of Ardkinglas who was commissioned by Argyll to hunt him down, Colkitto returned to Ireland in the Spring of 1644. Ardkinglas pursued him to Rathlin where he dispersed Alasdair’s men who had been left there to wait for his return. But the wily Highlander had new instructions and had already left for Kilkenny. Antrim’s new Confederate army was assembling there for duty in Scotland. The story is still told in the Highlands as to how the Council of the Confederation of Kilkenny selected the leader for the king’s expeditionary force. There were two noble Irish heroes who expected to have the honor because of friendship with a majority of the Council. But traditionally, the honor belonged to the strongest sword arm in Ireland. “Seo e!” (Here it is!) exclaimed Colkitto, drawing his sword in defiance of all who would oppose him. “Cáite bheil an ath gháirdean?” (Where is the next strongest?) asked the Council. “Seo e!” replied Alasdair, as he passed the huge sword to his left hand. There was no man present to deny him, and so he came to be commander of the company.

        The only one of Antrim’s conspiracies which reached fruition occurred in 1644 when his Irish veterans were dispatched to serve in Scotland under James Graham, the Marquis of Montrose, the royalist commander there. But in the end, the Confederation achieved little for Ireland but futile heroes like “Alasdair MacCholla Chiotaich,” who had been commissioned a major general by Charles I. He sailed from Waterford for Scotland with four ships and almost 1,500 men on June 24, 1644. His regiment undoubtedly included many MacDonnells of Leinster. This invasion by Antrim’s “idolatrous butchers” (as one Covenanter called them) caused the Scottish Estates to adjourn and send an army of 6,000 Covenanters under Argyll to put the Irish invaders to the sword. Argyll was not successful. Antrim’s troops played an important role in Montrose’s victories at Tippermuir, Aberdeen, Inverlochy, Auldean, Alford and Kilsyth. The invasion also impacted the English campaign. Argyll’s pursuit of Montrose reduced the pressure on the Royalist army in the North of England and thus gave a breathing space to the king’s forces after Marston Moor. Eventually Charles I was defeated in the civil war, but Antrim did offer the king “most hopes to bring him with honor out of his misfortunes,” as Antrim’s wife, the Duchess of Buckingham observed. Antrim also gained. His personal army in Scotland temporarily ousted Argyll from the Western Isles, reestablishing the MacDonald’s hegemony there. This forced part of the Scottish army occupying his County Antrim estates since 1642 back across the North Channel into Scotland and, on January 26, 1645, Randal was created a Marquis by Charles for his services. The Antrim Regiment fought in Scotland under Marquis Montrose until they finally met disaster at Philiphaugh.

Lea Castle, Co. Laois
A property of the FitzGeralds since the 14th Century and adjacent to Tighearna Coille,
it was used as a mint by the Catholic Confederates

         The royalists were camped at Philiphaugh on the left bank of the Ettrick near Selkirk on the morning of September 13, 1645, when Montrose learned that Leslie, the English general who had marched down the Gala, was within a mile of him. With many of his veterans absent and many of his officers not even in camp (Colkitto was away on a recruiting expedition), it is likely that pickets were poorly posted and poorly instructed. Because of the surprise, Montrose was unable to avoid battle, but for more than an hour held off the Covenanters, until a second detachment attacked him in the rear, making further resistance hopeless. The Marquis, with ‘Neas MacDonell of Glengarry and a few other friends, escaped across the hills to Peebles and on to safety in the Highlands, where they found shelter at Invergarry Castle, “caput” of Glengarry. With many Campbells in the Covenanter ranks and Inverlochy fresh in their minds, every prisoner taken by the Covenanters at Philiphaugh was put to the sword, the majority Irish MacDonnells.

        Colkitto’s Irish veterans agreed to surrender on Leslie’s promise of quarter but, after laying down their arms, were murdered to the last man, with the exception of three officers, ÓCahan, Stewart and Laghtman. Both Laghtman and ÓCahan were later hanged in Edinburgh. Not even the wives, children and camp-followers who accompanied the army, as was the custom in those days, were allowed to escape. One account relates that 300 married wives of the Irish, many big with child, were cut to pieces with savage cruelty, ripping the bellies of the women with the Covenanter's swords until the fruit of their wombs lay on the ground amid the gore of their mangled mothers, some embryos, some ready for birth. Wishart tells us that by command of the Covenanting chiefs, many survivors of the attentions of their soldiers were driven together and thrown from a high bridge and drowned in the river below. Similarly, the king had been defeated by Cromwell at Naseby, about 20 miles south of Leicester, on June 14, 1645. An account of the aftermath reported:

The parliamentary Roundheads slaughtered without hesitation all the Irish women found in the Royalist camp . . . and disfigured their English sisters by cutting open their faces. They took the Scotsmen prisoners, dug out their eyes, cut off their ears at the roots with razors and nailed down their drawn-out tongues.

        Antrim had difficulty in supplying his forces in Scotland. The Irish Confederate Government, which had largely financed the original expedition, refused to help him further. Charles I, after Marston Moor, was unable to help him. The Marquis, in desperation, therefore approached the Catholic powers of France and Spain for arms, munitions and shipping. This transformed the “War of the Three Kingdoms” into a “War of the Five Kingdoms.”

        Cleverly, The Marquis offered the Spanish Governor-General in Brussels 2,000 of his Irish and Scottish dependents for service in Flanders. Desperate for reinforcements, Spain accepted. In return, Spain supplied Antrim with arms and ammunition he badly needed, together with two fully armed Dunkirk frigates, each worth about £1,562,000. With these, he delivered arms to Colkitto in the Spring of 1646.

        Owen Roe ÓNeill did rout Leslie’s army at Benburb on June 6, 1646. Heavily outnumbered and without artillery, ÓNeill used position and strategy to defeat the Scots. Some 3,000 of Leven’s troops were left dead on the field and Lord Conway’s mounted regiment was reduced to 40 dragoons. Afterward, ÓNeill and Rinuccini forced the Confederacy to rescind a peace it had concluded with the English. Eventually, however, the Catholic faction had no choice but to ally with the English Anglican royalists against the radical Puritan parliamentarians.

        For almost two years following Philiphaugh, Colkitto conducted a guerilla war against the Campbells in the West Highlands. The Marquis of Antrim joined him there for several months in 1646, first hatching plots to relieve Charles in England and then, after his surrender, plots for his escape. But, without a renewal of the general war, their cause was doomed, although the dynastic conflict in the Highlands continued unabated. Colkitto’s brother, Gilleasbuig MacCholla, was apparently killed during a siege of Skipness Castle in August, 1646. 200 Lamonts, including thirty-six special gentlemen of the clan, were massacred in 1646 at Dunoon by Argyll. Huntley and 1,800 of his Gordons remained loyal to the king and actually re-opened the campaign in December, 1646, laying siege to Banff in conjunction with an attempt by Charles to escape on Christmas Eve, holding the town until March, 1647. Nearly half a century of this bloodshed was to pass until the great issues were finally decided. The tradition of the MacCallums or Malcolms, a sept of the Campbells of Lochow, says that Zachary MacCallum of Poltalloch, a supporter of the Marquis of Argyll and renowned for his strength, was killed by Sir Alasdair MacDonnell at Ederline in 1647. He is said to have already slain seven MacDonnells and was attacking Colkitto. Pressing Sir Alasdair hard, the MacCallums claim he was struck from behind by a man armed with a scythe, a dubious contention, considering MacDonnell’s size, skill and well known heroism.

        Leslie and the Covenant army left Dunblane, marching west, on May 17 and, ten days later, had reached Loch Kilkerran (now Campbeltown). As the Covenanters had approached Kintyre, crossing The Douglas Water about 4 miles below Inverary, the folklore of Colonsay, significant to Clan Donald’s heritage, asserts that Colkitto was at “The Mill of Gocam-gó,” some 20 miles northeast of his own lines at Tarbert and at risk of being cut off by Leslie. When Colkitto was a small child, his nurse had cast a spell with a ball of blue yarn and prophesied “Ni thu móran gaisge fhathast agus théid gach blár leat gas gun sáth thu do bhratach aig muileann Ghocam-gó, agus tha théid leat tuille ‘na dhéidh sin!” (You will perform great deeds of valor yet and you will be successful in every battle until you set up your standard at the mill of Gocam-go, but you will never be successful after that!) The MacDonnells found a few bags of meal which they took. As they prepared to burn the mill, the miller offered Alasdair some snuff, which he accepted, sparing the buildings, after setting his standard in the ground “air mullach cnocan cruinn ris an abairte Gocam-gó” (on the top of a round hillock they call the spy). A lucky penny then fell from the staff and, at “Leug Buaidh” (Meadow of the Charm) he lost his lucky charm. Alarmed, Colkitto then heard the name of the place, after which he is said to have lost his resolve.

        It is told that, as Hector MacAlasdair, 6th of Loup, along with two of his sons, was on his way to join his son-in-law, Colkitto, for the defense of Dun Abhartaidh in 1647, he was captured by Argyll and murdered at Whinny Hill near Loch Kilkerran. Argyll’s instructions are said to have been, “First hang the whelps and then the old fox.” Hector’s wife, a Campbell kinswoman of Argyll arrived too late to save her husband and sons. But she fell on her knees and cursed Gilleasbuig Gruamach and the people of the district so vehemently that, to this day, when the story is told, it is said that the heart-broken woman’s curses clung to Argyll until he himself was dragged to the scaffold.

        After Charles had been given to the English, Huntley had been chased from Aberdeenshire by Leslie and was later betrayed by the Camerons in Lochaber and captured. Montrose had retired to St Germain from Norway to join the Stuart court in exile in France. Aeneas MacDonell of Glengarry, with his regiment, retreated down the Kintyre Peninsula to Dun Abhartaidh where he met Colkitto. They held a final council on the sands below the fortress and decided that ‘Neas would defend Dun Naibhig Castle on Islay with 200 men, expecting relief by the Earl of Antrim and Irish reinforcements. Gilleasbuig MacGilleasbuig of Sanda and his son, Gilleasbuig Ogh, with 300 men, including some MhiccDougall from Lorne, “being all the place could contain,” would occupy Dun Abhartaidh, while Alasdair would go to Ireland to help organize reinforcements.

        Hearing that Colkitto had gone to Islay, Leslie began a quest for boats with which to follow him. But lacking sufficient shipping for the purpose, he laid siege to Dun Abhartaidh. Throughout the month of June, Dun Abhartaidh, well provisioned and fortified, withstood Leslie’s determined assaults. They may have held out for a year, if not that on July 10, the Covenanters discovered that the fortress’ water supply came through pipes from a spring outside the walls to a well inside. When the pipeline was destroyed, the defenders were forced to surrender. They marched out of the castle with flags furled and surrendered their weapons, expecting to be treated as prisoners of war.

        Sir James Turner, Leslie’s Adjutant General, admitted after the restoration that the surrendered garrison were confined for five days before they were turned out and executed to a man. The English officers had debated the fate of the prisoners until the prevailing voice of the Reverend John Naves, Chaplain of the Covenanters, and a fanatic Presbyterian minister from New Mills, Ayrshire, swayed Leslie and the rest to his view, “yea, and threatened him with the curses befell Saull for spareing the Amalekites.” Turner reported that after the slaughter, as Argyll, Leslie and Naves walked among the dead with blood to their ankles, the general turned to Naves and said, “Now, Mass John, have you not for once got your full of blood?”

        The 300 MacDonalds, MacAlisters and MacDougalls were refused Christian burial beside the nearby chapel, but instead, after being picked clean by scavengers, the bones were gathered and buried in a communal grave on the seashore under the walls of Dun Abhartaidh, just west of the fortress. Argyll and Leslie burned barracks, outworks and every other thing that would burn, finally destroying the four hundred year old fortress that had once sheltered Robert the Bruce and had given refuge to countless generations of MacDonalds. Young Ranald mac Gilleasbuig Ogh of Sanda, still a babe in arms, alone among the MacDonnell defenders, survived through the bravery and resource of his nurse, Flora MacCambridge. She smuggled him out, along with a ring that is still in the possession of the Sanda family. As she ran along the beach with the naked baby, Flora was accosted by Captain Campbell of Craignish, but she said that the child was her own. “It has the eyes of a MacDonnell,” said Campbell, “but, no matter, it wants clothing.” Whereupon, he cut off a piece of his own plaid and gave it to her for a covering. The nurse and her charge found shelter in a cave and so survived. Ranald mac Gilleasbuig Ogh later married Anne Stewart, sister of the first Earl of Bute. Survivors named by other clan traditions included James Stewart of Blackhall and MacDougall of Kilmun.

        With the campaign in Kintyre lost, Colkitto and Aeneas of Glengarry went to Ireland, after evacuating as many men from Kintyre and Islay as their limited number of galleys would allow. Preference was given to Irish troops, while many Highland warriors were released to make their way home. On July 5, 1647, Stuart rule independent of the English Parliament officially ended for all time in Scotland with the surrender of Dun Naibhig by Ranald and Donald Gorm MacDonnell and Captain Donald ÓNeill. They were given written articles in which Argyll and Leslie promised that “Upon the performance whereof, we, Archd. Marquis of Argyll & Gen. Lieut. Leslie, promise, and oblige our soldiers, to grant unto all and every one within the said fort, their lives; and to promise all the country people, or Scotch men, to pass home and enjoy their own livings peaceably.”

        When Charles I surrendered to the Scots near Newark on May 5, 1646, he ordered Antrim’s Irish brigade in Scotland to disband. From this point on, Ranald’s loyalty to the Stuart cause began to waver due to his ambitions as chief of the MacDonnells. When Antrim received his third instruction from the king on July 29 to lay down his arms, he instead returned to Ireland “. . . for the purpose to renew the kings service there, and to make himselfe capable to renewe the warres of Scotland, when commanded by his Majestie.” Antrim not only refused to surrender but began plans to raise an army of 30,000 men with which he hoped first to reduce Scotland, and then to march into England and to free the king. The Earl of Antrim therefore threatened any chance of securing a peace between the king on the one hand, and the English and Scottish parliaments on the other. MacDonnell was encouraged when Owen Roe ÓNeill defeated Munro at Benburb. The Irish earl tried his luck again in the Fall of 1646 and offered to send 1,200 troops (which were under attack at the time by Leslie and a superior force) from Kintyre to Flanders in return for further financial assistance. Again, the Spanish Governor-General accepted, but Antrim also offered the same mercenaries to the French crown.

        In Ireland, Randal also defied the king’s authority and, from January, 1647, he joined the Irish Confederates. Antrim led the opposition to any permanent peace settlement with his competitor for royal favor, the Earl of Ormonde. Randal had wanted the post of Lord Lieutenant for Ireland himself and attempted to undermine Ormonde’s power base. MacDonnell became one of the most active and vocal supporters of Archbishop Rinuccini, the Papal Nuncio. As a result, Antrim ensured that the king received no Irish aid and, at the same time, further divided the Irish Catholic Party which then collapsed during the Winter of 1648-49.

        In July, 1647, Rinuccini gave Alasdair "Colkitto” MacDonnell command of a regiment of Preston’s royalists who had been engaged in an abortive siege of Trim. The following month, after being augmented by MacDonnell reinforcements, they fought a battle with parliamentary forces at Dungan’s Hill. Unfortunately, Preston’s forces were routed and Colkitto had to fight his way off the field along with ‘Neas and 400 of his Glengarrys, leaving another 400 dead or taken prisoner. Colkitto then went to Munster where he was made a major general and governor of Clonmel under command of their Lord President of Munster, Theobald Lord Taffe, a 25 year old from Sligo, who was based at Cashel, but who was, unfortunately, not a military strategist.

        After a few months of relative peace, the end of Colkitto’s campaign for King Charles came in a three hour battle at Knocknanuss (Cnoc na Nús - Hill of First Milk) in northeastern Co. Cork a few miles east of Kanturk, on November 13, 1647. The royalist forces, numbering some 6,300 troops, were commanded by Lord Taffe whose own contingent was about 2,500. Colkitto was named deputy commander and his regiment totaled about 2,000, most of them inexperienced kerns. There were also three units of royalist cavalry of about 500 each, commanded respectively by Lord Castleconnell, Major General Purcell and McDonnagh McCarthy of Kanturk. The parliamentary army totaled some 4,500 men under the command of the Lord President of Munster, Murrough ÓBrien, Lord Inchiquin, directly descended from the ÓBriens of Thomond but remembered by Irish Catholics as the Irish quisling.
 

        As was customary, Colkitto commanded the right wing and their traditional Highland charge triumphed predictably. Inchiquin’s men were routed, their cannon captured and MacDonnell’s men began to plunder the baggage train. But Lord Taffe’s division, on the left and out of sight of Colkitto, had been outmaneuvered and thrown into confusion. Not knowing this, when Alasdair and a small party went to reconnoiter, they were spotted by a strong force of parliamentary cavalry commanded by a cornet of horse named ÓGrady and captured. There are contested stories of a conspiracy by Lord Taffe and others jealous of his reputation and prospects to betray Colkitto and leave him to the enemy, but however he was captured, there seems to be a consensus that the giant MacDonnell hero was executed the same evening and buried in the orchard of Rathmaher House. One version of how it occurred was that, as he was being escorted from the field, they crossed the Blackwater River at a place still known as “The Chieftain’s Ford.” Colkitto stopped in the water to allow his horse to drink and, leaning forward to drink also, he exposed a gap in his armor. From jealousy over ÓGrady’s coup, Major Nicholas Purdon of Ballyclough is said to have taken the opportunity to stab him in the back.

        His huge body was subsequently recovered by Kathleen ÓCallaghan of Clonmeen, daughter of Donough ÓCallaghan, a member of the Confederate Supreme Council and a supporter of Rinuccini. Colkitto is said to have had an affair with the colleen. She took his remains to the ÓCallaghan tomb where it was reentered with all the honor and ceremony to which a Gaelic chief was entitled. Some of the pibrochs played by the Highland pipers as they conveyed their chief to his present resting place still survive and are known locally as MacAllister’s March. His great claymore was taken from the Knocknanuss battlefield to Lohort Castle where it remained until 1898.

         ‘Neas MacDonell and those of his regiment who escaped, joined the Earl of Antrim’s regiment under the over-all command of the earl’s son. Finally, they were defeated in Queens County. Glengarry and Clanranald were taken prisoner and sent to Kilkenny, where they were held until eventually released by the intercession of the Duchess of Buckingham, Antrim’s wife. Glengarry returned to the Highlands and made every possible effort to encourage another rising. James MacDonald of Sleate, who had submitted to Cromwell’s government, then began the history of the Sleate MacDonalds’ betrayal of the Clan to the English and wrote to Colonel Fitch, Governor of Inverness that: “the laird of Glengarry and some other Highlanders, are drawing to an head and intend to disquiet the peace of the country.”

        The year 1649 was fatal for the Irish. Charles I was executed January 30, at Whitehall in London and Cromwell proclaimed the “Commonwealth and Free-State.” Rinuccini and his policies were repudiated by the Irish Confederation and he left Ireland, accompanied to the ship “San Pietro” in February, 1649 by a crowd of weeping common Irishmen, the vast majority of whom adored and supported him. In August, 1649, Cromwell invaded Ireland with an overwhelming force of 12,000 “Ironsides” and Owen Roe ÓNeill died three months later amid the ruins of his country. Cromwell could not defeat the illusive ÓNeill in the field, so English agents poisoned him, as they had so many others. For the outnumbered and outgunned Irish to have defeated England without outside help would have taken a miracle, and that is precisely what was expected. But could it be said that the miracle was merely deferred for a hundred and thirty years and granted to Irishmen and Scots at Yorktown?

       Colonel James MacDonnell, 7th of Leinster, had been born at Tighearna Coille in 1617. His succession as chieftain of the MacDonnells of Leinster remains unbroken and continues in Ireland. But, after his participation in the Catholic Confederacy, William Petty’s 1659 Census shows that he, and all the MacDonnells of Tighearna Coille, had changed their names to MacDaniell and continued to reside at Tighearna Coille without color of law for more than twenty years, and MacDonnells continued to be interred in Portnahinch Cemetery as late as 1820. But James MacDonnell’s manor and lands were forfeited to the crown in an inquisition taken at Maryborough in 1679. His widow, Margaret MacDonnell, was allowed her dower rights, on the condition that she become Protestant, but the estate was never restored to the MacDonnells. “The Book Of Survey And Distribution,” in the Dublin Record Office, shows that the various townlands of the manor were apportioned to some seven or eight different individuals. William Legatt was given Tighearna Coille. The most prominent branch of the family remaining in Ireland at that time appears to have been the family of Alexander MacBrian, Governor of Wicklow, who lived until 1683. Hercules H G MacDonnell, in his 1892 account of the MacDonnells of Tynekill (sic), speculates that James MacDonnell of Leinster moved, with his family, to Antrim, citing as evidence that they deposited in Glenarm Castle the patent granted to James in 1639. However, Glenarm Castle was not built until long after James died in London in 1661. Dun Luths Castle was the principal residence of the MacDonnells of Antrim until the death of the 2nd Earl of Antrim in 1683.

        Cromwell’s forces attacked Kilkenny in 1650 and it surrendered. Ormonde eventually surrendered to a parliamentary commander. Apparently Cromwell’s successors in Ireland, Ireton and Ludlow, believed their own propaganda regarding atrocities by the Irish and the Irish Confederacy was ended by the slaughter of the survivors (including women and children) of the besieged garrisons of Drogheda and Wexford. The “Ironsides” treated the townspeople and 2,600 Catholic soldiers of Drogheda without mercy, putting them all to the sword, repeating the massacre at Wexford, two weeks later. Although no worse than the Confederate destruction of Cashel had been in 1646, the sack of Drogheda remains prominent in Irish folk memory.

        The cost of the war was horrible, and actually reduced the Irish population by half. The Covenanters considered it a holy crusade, and gloried in the slaughter of “Malignants,” as they called the royalists. Even one of their most noted Scottish clergy, David Dickson, could shout when he heard of the destruction of his opponents, “The work goes bonnily on!” It is difficult to understand how, in Ireland, such a hateful, merciless sentence could be imposed on a defeated Christian people by a Christian victor. But our understanding is aided by realizing that not only was Cromwell a bigoted Puritan, his policy in Ireland also met a political need. He had many political debts to pay, English veterans were a potential source of turbulence in England and they were perfect as settlers for a conquered and depopulated Ireland. Cromwell’s efficiency, if not his character, was admirable and extended to his purging of Catholicism. To the Governor of New Ross, who sought assurances for liberty of conscience, Cromwell replied:
 

ÓCallaghan Tomb, Clonmeen Cemetery, Co. Cork

Rathmaher House, The Ó Callaghan Castle, Banteer, Co. Cork
Where Colkitto’s body was taken after his murder.

The Chieftain's Ford, Blackwater River, Co. Cork

“I meddle not with any man’s conscience, but if by liberty of conscience you mean liberty to exercise the mass, I judge it best to use plain dealing, and to let you know, where the Parliament of England have power, that will not be allowed of.”

        But Cromwell and his henchmen knew well that their policy was indefensible, and they began the suppression of events which has persisted to this day in both Scotland and Ireland, in a blatant attempt to wipe the Gael from the pages of history. David Sheehy, Diocessan Archivist for Dublin Diocese, informs us that there are no parish records at all for the entire 17th Century. But the oral traditions of the Gael are strong and , at least a few of, the atrocities have been remembered.

        Approximately 300 people attended Mass, celebrated by Fr Danny MacDonald, to commemorate the 350th anniversary of the murder of Fr Nicholas Mayler, parish priest of Tomhaggard in Ferns Diocese in Co. Wexford. He and his parishoners had secretly gathered on Christmas morning, 1653, for Mass in a corner of a field on the Devereux farm, after the village church had been destroyed by Cromwellian soldiers. They had placed a stone from the ruins of their church in this remote place to represent a Mass-Rock, and it is still there. But these Christians had been betrayed and a party of soldiers were hiding on the nearby "Cnoc na Furas" (Hill of Waiting - Knock of Furze). After the priest had begun saying Mass, the soldiers rushed forward, scattering the terrified congregation. Then shots rang out and Fr Mayler lay dead. Locals carried Fr Mayler's body for burial within the ruins of the village church, but his grave was never marked out of fear that it would be desecrated by Cromwell's roundheads. One parishioner, a Mrs Lambert, snatched up his chalice, wrapped it in her apron and hid it in the nearby Lingstown Lake. When things had quietened down, she recovered it and gave it to Fr Mayler's family. It remained in their possession for many years, before being returned to the parish after the restoration of the Catholic Church in Ireland in 1850. That same chalice was again used for the Anniversary Mass, 350 years later.

        The native Catholic Irish were exiled to the infertile west, the poorest land in Ireland, and none were allowed east of the Shannon. If he could prove he was not a rebel, he could claim land west of the Shannon from that confiscated from rebels. All land east of the Shannon was given to “Roundheads,” i.e.: Cromwell’s supporters. Whom the Sasunnaich called rebels were allowed no means of livelihood anywhere in Ireland. Plague then further decimated those who were left, so that English troops told of traveling twenty or thirty miles across the countryside without seeing a living soul. It is no wonder that a deep desire for vengeance still burns in Irish hearts.

        But the new Protestant settlers, wishing to extend the Industrial Revolution to Ireland, found they needed a labor force. The towns of Belfast and Londonderry were laid out and thousands of Irish returned from west of the Shannon as tenants of the new landlords, while many farmers simply remained on their old land with new landlords. The most significant result of the transplantation was the establishment of a new, English-speaking, Protestant ruling class, mainly of English and Scottish origin; dominating a native, Roman Catholic, Gaelic-speaking peasantry. This Protestant Ascendancy then represented the status-quo in Ireland almost to the end of the 19th Century, except in eastern Ulster, where much of the peasantry was also Protestant, making their base even more secure there.

        The restoration of the Stuart monarchy in the Spring of 1660 changed everything. Estimates had Catholics holding three fifths of Ireland in 1641. By 1665, at the Restoration Settlement, they held one fifth, mostly in Connacht. The Catholic Irish survived on a subsistence economy based on potatoes and linen, almost completely excluded from the booming economy of the Protestants, who engaged in the export of beef, butter, hides, tallow and grain; while Ormonde returned as Lord Lieutenant and began to expand Dublin along the stately lines of a Baroque city.

        The natives were crushed and the only resistance came from “tories,” outlaws drawn from the ranks of the dispossessed who threatened the new rulers and owners throughout much of the country.  In the early modern Gaelic world a man’s first loyalty was to his family and kinsmen, then to his religion, and only finally to his sovereign and country. The MacDonnells, like many others in Gaelic Ireland and Scotland, had been forced to compromise and negotiate in order to survive at all. The Earl of Antrim’s grandfather Hugh ÓNeill did so in the Nine Years’ War of 1594 to 1603. His nephew Lord Dunsany, Sir Henry ÓNeill of Killeleagh, and many other Catholic nobles had all bent with the winds of change, made their peace with Cromwell, and were rewarded accordingly during the 1650s. They too were restored to their estates by Charles II. Irish Protestants such as Murrough ÓBrien and Lord Broghill also changed sides. But the Marquis of Antrim, like so many other Gaelic leaders since Brian Boru and Somhairle mac Gillebruide made the same mistakes and failed in all that mattered to the Clan. He did not take advantage of his stature to reunite the MacDonalds. Antrim produced no heirs to continue the dynasty, although his brother succeeded him, and he failed to establish a cause greater than himself.

        As an illustration of the pathetic irrelevance to which Irish Catholic MacDonnells had been reduced, a report of a Mr Geoghegan, leading a troop of bounty hunters in Co. Laois is informative:

"Wednesday, 15th December, 1680.  In the morning went to one Daniel McDaniel's house near Mountmellick where we found a very rich vestment and other materials belonging to a priest, which vestments we seized on and gave into our custody where they still remain."

        The ascension of James II, an avowed Catholic, to the English throne in 1685, raised the hopes of the Catholic Irish and alarmed the new Protestant rulers in Ireland. Their fears were heightened when a Catholic, Richard Talbot, Earl of Tirchonnaill, became James’ Lord Lieutenant for Ireland in 1687 and immediately raised a large, almost entirely Catholic, army for the crown. Some Protestants fled back to England, while James also ordered Irish troops to be sent to England. The simultaneous arrival of both groups from Ireland was among the most important factors in turning the king’s English subjects against him.

        The Catholic Stuarts were not popular in Protestant Great Britain and did little to help themselves. James II, more willful than skillful, insisted on his prerogatives at the expense of Parliament, precipitating another civil war. He was deposed from the English throne in 1688 by the “Glorious Revolution” and fled to France, his ship captained by Randell MacDonnell of Moye, one of the MacDonnells of Antrim. He was succeeded by his Protestant Son-in-law, William of Orange. Undaunted, James secured help from King Louis XIV of France and went to Ireland where he landed at Kinsale in County Cork on March 19, 1689.

        He was received as a savior by the Irish, with patriotic speeches and dancing, led by the Lord Deputy, Richard Talbot, who had been created “Earl of Tirchonnaill” by James four years previously . Along the road to Dublin, coats were laid beneath his horses’ hooves and women greeted him with kisses. Tirchonnaill had an army and held the entire country except Enniskillen and Derry. In Dublin, a Catholic parliament passed an act confiscating the property of almost all the Protestants in Ireland. Unlike England, sentiment was overwhelmingly in favor of a Catholic king assailed by heretics and Ireland was united for the first time since the rebellion of ÓNeill, a hundred years before.

        Talbot began to purge the army of Protestants, disbanding Protestant regiments and recruiting Irish levees to take their place. In only eighteen months, Talbot had removed 4,000 Protestants from the army, including 400 officers, and had replaced them with some 5,000 untrained Irish kern, although Catholics all. Apparently Brian MacDonnell of Bonabrougha in Leinster, son of Alexander of Wicklow, was one of those replaced.

        Seeing no future in a Catholic Ireland, Brian traveled to America and purchased, on November 18, 1689, 693 acres from William Penn on Red Clay Creek, William Penn Hundred, New Castle County Delaware. Apparently returning to Ireland to collect his family, Brian was just in time to regain his commission in the Westmeath Volunteer Regiment of Infantry commanded by Colonel Thomas ÓToole, his kinsman (Dorothy ÓToole was married to Walter MacEdmund MacDonnell of Baltiboye).

        Ironically, at the time, the pope was quarreling with the French monarchy over a question of the liberties of the Gallican Church, and was not in a position to support the French king’s protege in Ireland. So, at least passively, Pope Alexander VIII may have supported heretic King William of Orange. Louis XIV, at war with the Emperor and with the Dutch, had few resources to spare for war in Ireland. The French War Minister, Louvois, predicted the outcome:

“Whatever good intentions the Irish may have for the preservation of their country and their religion, if they fight with three-foot sticks against the troops of the Prince of Orange which will have swords and muskets, they will soon be killed or forced to flee.”

        James began his campaign in Ireland to recapture the English throne in December, 1688, on the recommendation of Alasdair, 3rd Earl of Antrim, attempting to take Londonderry and Enniskillen, the two Irish towns held by the Protestants. But it was the arrival of six companies of MacDonnell of Antrim’s regiment outside Derry, commanded by the earl’s natural son Daniel, that led to the failure of the king to take the town. As they marched along, an excited mob had gathered to accompany them, burning and looting as they went. After the town leaders had decided to admit James’ forces, fearing for their lives from the mob, thirteen young Protestant apprentices, crying "No Surrender!” closed the portcullis at the Ferry Quay Gate just as the town was about to surrender, denying his soldiers entry.

Saint Columba's Cathedral, (Anglican) Co. Derry
Where Protestants say the Jacobite cannon ball landed, with message attached.

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        Their boldness turned the townspeople in their favor. King James and the earl were left sitting outside the walls. Finally, damning the residents as “obstinate wretches,” the Stuart king gave up the siege. Consequently, he left Ulster as a bridgehead to William of Orange.       

        But James was back in the Spring and two thousand Protestants died of illness or starvation in the renewed assault. The English governor, however, escaped by climbing up a pear tree next to the walls and slipping away. He is still hanged in effigy by the Protestant residents. The cannonball that lies in the churchyard of the Anglican Cathedral of St Colomb was fired over the walls with a note attached proposing terms of surrender. The garrison would have none of it and the cannonball has remained in the churchyard where it fell (although Derry Catholics claim it fell in the churchyard of the Catholic Cathedral, a mile away, was stolen by the Protestants and moved to the Protestant churchyard). After 15 weeks, Derry was relieved by a Williamite fleet on July 28, 1689 when they, led by HMS Mountjoy, breached the boom across the River Foyle. Daniel and the Antrim Regiment attempted to hold The Glens, but were driven out and retreated to Dublin, where they remained until the following spring when James advanced to Drogheda.  And so began "An Cogadh Nam Dá Righ" (The War of the Two Kings).

James VII Stuart of Scots, James II of England
By Sir Peter Lely

Derry City Wall Overlooking the Protestant Enclave

Site of Dun Abhartaidh, (Fort of Festivals - Dunaverty or Dunavertie), Mull of Kintyre
Not a single stone of the fortifications remains in place.

Valley of The Ettrick, Selkirkshire

Lag an Bhriste Mhór (Hollow of the Great Defeat), Rathlin Island
Looking south across "Cnoc na Sgreadailaine" (Hill of the Screaming)
toward "Beinn Mhór" (Great Head - now known as Fair Head)

Gilleasbuig Gruamach (Grim Archibald)
8th Earl & 1st Marquis of Argyll
Chief of Clan Campbell

Caisteal Ceinn Bán (White Head Castle - Kinbane) and Lag na Sasunnaich (Hollow of the Saxons), Co. Antrim

Tinakilly Estate Entrance Drive, Wicklow
Probable Home of Alexander MacBrian MacDonnell and his successors from 1641 to 1850.

        James VI, Stuart, King of Scots, James I of England, died of an ague March 27, 1625 at Theobalds, Hertfordshire and was buried in Henry VIII’s Chapel at Westminster. He had championed the cause of the state against the church; the cause of the divine right of kings over the rights of the people. Not only did he lose on both counts, but he hardened the will of the people and strengthened the church in opposition to him. James was succeeded by his second son, Charles I, born November 19, 1600, at Dunfermline Palace, Fife. James’ eldest son, Prince Henry, had died as a youth. Much had been expected of Henry who was popular with all the Scottish people. Charles, on the other hand, was introverted to the verge of fanaticism. Unlike his father, he was handsome. He was also unlike him in character, but he did inherit his belief in the divine right of kings and of episcopacy.

        The Thirty Years War, which began in 1618 and ended in 1659, was the great struggle between Protestants and Catholics in Europe. It began when Bohemian and Austrian Protestants revolted against the Catholic Hapsburg Holy Roman Emperor, Ferdinand II. Ironically, Catholic France joined the war on the side of the Protestants in an effort to avoid encirclement by the Hapsburg powers, Austria and Spain. Protestant James of England had taken the part of Catholic Austria, because of his sympathy with the position of the Hapsburgs, and because of England’s historical enmity to France.