(The War Of The Two Kings)
Three battles, The Boyne in 1690, Aughrim in 1691, and Culloden in 1745, were to again deprive the Gael of their independence and subject them to oppression, tyranny and mass murder by the English for another two hundred years. All three battles turned on the decisions of Catholic aristocrats to rely on the expertise of French generals to lead Gaelic armies. French military dogma was built on massed formations and formal set-piece battles, tactics that the English had long ago learned to defeat at Agincourt, where English longbows neutralized French chivalry. The Gael, on the other hand, had controlled the English with guerilla tactics and “cothrom ábhraigh” (advantage of the high ground) ever since they had learned the advantages of terrain and surprise from their resistance to the Romans, 1,400 years earlier, using mobility to debilitate their enemy, rather than trying to hold territory against a stronger force. Unfortunately, James II, Prince Charles Stuart and Louis XIV all suffered from the prejudices and ignorance of their class, to the detriment of their people. Each time, in these three battles, that Gaelic generals' views conflicted with their French allies, the aristocrats decided in favor of the French, and each time the Gael lost the battle. Otherwise, throughout the Jacobite wars, the Gael were almost invincible.
William of Orange himself landed at Carrickfergus on June 14, 1690, bringing with him an army made up largely of foreign mercenaries. His force included the Dutch Blue Guards, two regiments of French Huguenots, some English and Scots, and contingents of Danish, Prussian, Finnish, and Swiss mercenaries totaling about 35,000 men. There is no record that William’s general in Ulster, Schomberg, recruited many Irish volunteers. But the Catholic force available to oppose the English king was inferior in every way. James had wasted his best Irish regiments in England and France. He did manage to assemble 7,000 French infantry, Antrim’s regiment, led by Alasdair MacDonnell, 3rd Earl of Antrim and “Neas” MacDonell, 9th Lord of Glengarry, some regular Irish cavalry, some untrained Irish infantry and dragoons, altogether about 21,000 men, including a significant number of both Scottish and Irish MacDonald Jacobites.
When William began to move his army southward from Ulster toward Dublin, the two armies met north of the city on the banks of the Boyne River at Oldbridge near Drogheda on July 11, 1690. Lauzun, King James’ French general, was not happy that there were several river fords, denying the Jacobites a reasonable defensive barrier. William sent a third of his force across the Boyne upstream at Rosnaree on his right flank. James ordered his entire force to oppose them, but Richard Talbot, Earl of Tirchonnaill, James' second in command and still Lord Lieutenant for Ireland, suspecting a feint, remained at Oldbridge with his 8,000 men, including the Antrim regiment, sheltered behind some garden walls. Attacked by 24,000 Williamites, they are said to have run like hares. Fearing encirclement by William’s cavalry, James, demonstrating cowardice uncharacteristic of the Stuarts, fled hastily from the battle and from the country. When Lady Tirchonnaill heard James condemn her kinsmen for running away, she is said to have responded, “But your Majesty won the race!”
Replica of the type of cannon used at The Battle of the Boyne
Patrick Sarsfield, Earl of Lucan, (d.1693), another Jacobite hero in the mold of Montrose, a second son of Anglo-Irish parents having lands in Dublin and Kildare, but also the grandson of Rory ÓMore and married to a Clanrickard Burke, was a veteran of the French service who rose rapidly in the service of James as one of his Life Guards. He recaptured Connacht in October, 1689, defeating the hitherto invincible Enniskillen Protestants. Sarsfield distinguished himself as a cavalry leader and remains one of the best loved of Irish heroes. His daring raid behind Williamite lines to destroy enemy siege equipment at Ballyneety on August 11, 1690 saved Limerick during the first siege of the city. Described by a colleague as “a man of huge stature, without sense, very good natured and very brave,” he headed the Jacobite war party opposed to surrender and succeeded Talbot as supreme commander of the Jacobite army in the final days of the war.
Shortly after the defeat on the Boyne, the Williamites, with some 10,000 troops commanded by General James Douglas, besieged Athlone, a key point in the Jacobite defensive line along the Shannon. Colonel Richard Grace, Governor of Athlone, resolutely refused to surrender and, after a week long siege, the Williamites withdrew, leaving the people of Athlone in relative peace for a year.
But in June, 1691, after Ulick Burke’s garrison briefly slowed the advancing Williamites at Ballymore, the main Jacobite force, including the Antrim Regiment, assembled to defend the western end of the bridge over the Shannon at Athlone. On June 21, the Williamites' full army, numbering some 25,000 men commanded by Dutch general Godard de Ginkel, quickly captured the Leinster side of the town and began the heaviest bombardment in Irish history of the western half of this river port, across the river in Roscommon. At least 12,000 cannon balls, 600 bombs and tons of gunstones were fired in ten days, badly damaging the fortress and reducing the town to rubble.
The Irish, commanded by another French general, the Marquis de St Ruth, destroyed the bridge across the Shannon and furiously resisted all attempts by the Williamites to repair it. A brave dragoon, Sergeant Custume, was killed defending the bridge and became a local folk hero. The Jacobites repaired the breaches in their defenses, while they fought off repeated assaults and endured repeated interference from Lord Tirchonnaill, King James' Viceroy, only to finally be defeated by a deserter. Against the advice of his officers, St Ruth had withdrawn several seasoned regiments from the line defending a ford on the Shannon to give them rest, replacing them with a regiment of raw recruits. Informed by the deserter, the Williamites attacked at once, breaking the green troops, followed by the collapse of two other regiments, losing the entire position, including the fortress, in half an hour. Colonel Grace, commanding the castle, was abandoned by St Ruth to the mercy of the Williamites who, typically, gave none. When Grace, having no supplies to defend a siege, surrendered the fortress, he and his entire garrison were put to the sword.
St Ruth, whose military philosophy was rooted in the continental view that wars were fought to control territory, believed that defending the Shannon line was critical to Irish victory and desperately looked for the first opportunity to establish a new defensive position. He found it some five miles southwest of Ballinasloe, at the village of Aughrim.
Sarsfield and the other Irish officers advised against giving battle, suggesting that the campaign should be extended over the coming Winter. The foreign troops of the Williamite army would find it much harder to forage through the lean months than the native Irish would, while the Irish, with their knowledge of the countryside, could make a very good living ambushing English supply columns, as they had done for centuries. Then, when the strangers were cold, hungry and discouraged, the Jacobites could strike! It was a strategy that the Czar of Russia would employ triumphantly against Napoleon a hundred years later.
But St Ruth, a stranger himself, although lacking the British resources to import supplies, was intransigent. Perhaps, as a professional officer of the continental school, he was even offended by suggestions that he might consider dishonorable. The Frenchman had only just arrived in the country and knew nothing at all about the Irish force he commanded, except what he had just experienced at Athlone. He was even less familiar with his officers. Whose advice could he trust, especially when the aristocrat he knew best, Lord Tirchonnaill, obviously despised them all? And besides, St Ruth had no reason to be concerned about Irish causes. He was only in Ireland to serve his king, and his own ambition.
He was afraid that word would reach Louis XIV that he was reluctant to fight, that he was discouraged by his defeat at Athlone and that, as a result, he might be recalled in disgrace, as Lauzun had been. It has also been suggested that both St Ruth and Lord Tirchonnaill were envious of Sarsfield's reputation with the troops to the extent that their judgment was clouded. Others assert that Tirchonnaill was a self-centered, posturing fop, only interested in his own career, who slighted Sarsfield, a man of actual ability, at every opportunity. But whatever his motives, St Ruth relegated the Irish hero to what he thought would be a trivial role and placed himself so that he would have all the credit for the victory. It was not the last time that French arrogance would cause the Gael to suffer.
Some accounts claim that Sarsfield did not even participate in the battle (notably the film shown in the Aughrim Battlefield Interpretive Centre) and was relegated to command the reserve cavalry, some two miles to the rear. However, the preponderance of the evidence shows that there was only one cavalry unit on the right, that it was commanded by Sarsfield, and that this cavalry anchored the right flank of the Jacobite line and participated in the entire battle, from the first skirmish to the last event, which covered the retreat of the infantry.
The French general issued his orders, had his staff draw up his battle plan and sent word to the troops to prepare for battle. The army, unaware of the dissent among the officers, were eager to fight. To a man, they were confident of their skill and courage, and were determined to have revenge for the Boyne and for Athlone. No one considered that those defeats might be attributable to their own mistakes or dishonor.
Cath Eachroma (Battle of the Shaggy Horse - Aughrim)
Replica of a Williamite mortar

The Jacobites' infantry were positioned north to south along the face of Kilcommadan Hill, a 400 foot high eminence, for about a mile and a half, with stone walls, fences and hedgerows providing natural shelter, supplemented by earthworks at key locations, notably at Aughrim Castle. Their north flank was anchored by the castle and their south flank by the Tristaun River and The Pass of Urraghry, an area of sand dunes and small hills. Although not as strong as Athlone, it was a strong position. As these photographs were taken in July, the same month as the actual battle, the foliage and vistas would have been much the same.
On Saturday evening, the 11 of July, three days after they had arrived, some of Sarsfield's cavalry, scouting to the east, observed the Williamite advance guard approaching from the direction of Ballinasloe. The Williamites entered a small field and began to replenish their canteens from a well, whereupon the Irish troopers opened fire on them. A short, sharp engagement ensued before both units withdrew to their lines. Warned of the Williamites' arrival, Jacobite pickets spent a nervous night. And as dawn broke, it was quickly apparent that a thick blanket of fog shrouded the approaches to the Jacobite position, extending to cover even the top of Kilcommadan heights.
The strength of the two armies was similar. The Williamites had 23,000 and the Jacobites, about 22,500. But the English had 24 cannon, while the Irish had only 10. As it was Sunday morning, Mass was celebrated in the Irish camp and the troops were reminded by the priests of the rewards of victory and the consequences of defeat, while Ginkle called a council of war in the Williamite bivouac.
Ginkle's second in command was the Duke of Wurtemburg, a man, like Ginkle, of caution, who relied on careful planning. Both were concerned as to what surprises might be hidden in the fog. His other staff officers, dominated by Hugh Mackay, a passionate Scot, included Talmash, Scavemore, De Ruvigny, La Melloniere, Tetteau, Nassau, the Prince of Hesse, La Forest, Eppinger and Portland. They counseled that, to retain the initiative, they must give battle immediately. Ginkle reluctantly agreed and the fate of Ireland was committed to the fickle gods of war.
The fog cleared about noon, and the two armies saw each other for the first time. The first engagement occurred in the Pass of Urraghry when some Irish outposts advanced to the bank of the Tristaun River on the Irish right flank and were fired on by a party of Danes. Reinforcements were nervously rushed forward by both sides (including Sarsfield's cavalry) until the English were driven back to their lines, where they dug in behind stakes implanted in the ground to repel cavalry.
After a two hour delay while Ginkle called another council of war, the Williamites commenced an artillery barrage of Kilcommadan Hill. The Danes, this time led by Ginkle himself, again attempted a flanking attack through the Pass of Urraghry, but the Jacobites extended their line to the right and threw them back again. At the same time, Huguenot infantry crossed the morass to the Danes' right and attacked up a slight hollow. St Ruth moved a regiment from near the village of Aughrim to bolster the defense of the center, a decision that would have dire consequences later. It is told that St Ruth did so on the advice of Luttrell.
But for the moment, the Irish retreated in front of the Hugeunots according to plan, so as to draw them on, and then, with the trap well sprung, opened fire from ambush in the hedgerows on either side of the hollow with terrible effect. Suffering heavy casualties, the Huguenot infantry fell back into the morass in disorder, only to be set upon, again by Sarsfield's cavalry. Contemporaneous accounts tell of the grass being slippery with blood and the place has ever since been known as "The Bloody Hollow."
At 6:30 in the evening, 3,000 English infantry under Mackay advanced again across the morass toward the Jacobite center. Again, the Irish under Hamilton and Dorrington enticed them on until they were almost to the summit of the hill before they turned about and fired on them with deadly effect. As Mackay withdrew, he was again attacked by Sarsfield's cavalry and thrown back into the morass, losing many officers.
But on the Jacobite left, at Aughrim Castle, two Williamite regiments managed to gain a foothold among some walls and fences. When Colonel Burke attempted a Jacobite counterattack, his men found that their reserve musket balls were English and did not fit their French muskets. For ammunition, they were forced to use pieces of their ramrods, chopped up with their bayonets, and even buttons from their tunics. Sheldon's cavalry came to their aid though, and the English were driven back.
But Mackay is said to have insisted on one last effort, and advanced up the narrow causeway of the North Pass with Scavemore's Cavalry advancing in a column of twos, as there was no room for any wider front. St Ruth watched the advance from his position on Kilcommadan Hill and is quoted as saying "Pity to see such brave fellows throw away their lives in this way." He then sent word to Sarsfield to send 400 horse from his detachment to reinforce the left. By some accounts, it was at this juncture that St Ruth ordered Sarsfield to the rear with the remainder of his men, and to await further instructions. On the arrival of these men, commanded by Galmoy, St Ruth placed himself at their head and led the charge down the hill shouting, “Le jour est à nous, mes enfants!” (The day is ours, my brothers!), just as an English chain shot carried off his head. The death of their commander destroyed Jacobite morale, largely, it is claimed, because de Tesse, second in command, did nothing! When he saw the death of St Ruth, Henry Luttrell, who had been secretly corresponding with the Williamites and who commanded the cavalry reserve defending the North Pass, simply led his men, the French Blue Guards, away, leaving the pass open for Mackay’s men, who transited the causeway against only weak musket fire and then took the hill behind the Irish positions.
Tradition tells us that, a few days prior to the battle, a peddler named Mullin arrived in the Irish camp selling laces. He was there long enough to find out that St Ruth's favorite mount was a grey charger, and that he would likely ride him on the day of the battle. It is told that Mullin conveyed this information to the Williamites and that an English gunner was able to pick him out as he led the charge to meet Mackay. The first shot missed, and a young ensign named Trench fired a second round. The gunner commented, "his hat is knocked off, Sir." "Yes," said Trench, " but you will find his head in it too!"
Luttrell's Pass, Aughrim Marked by the large cross at left, it is where
the traitor Luttrell abandoned 20,000 comrades to a horrible death and his nation to slavery.

All that remains of Aughrim Castle

The Bloody Hollow, Aughrim

The North Pass, Aughrim
A narrow causeway through the bog (today the bog is a well drained hay field)


Kilcommadan Hill, Overlooking the Melehan River, Aughrim, Co. Galway

Keep of the great fortress of Athlone

While Mackay exploited the gap in the Jacobite line at Aughrim Castle, Ginkle attacked the center and broke the Jacobite infantry under Hamilton. Some 2,000 of Dorrington's men, trapped and surrounded in The Bloody Hollow where they had previously been so successful, were forced to surrender. Sarsfield galloped to the scene, but too late, perhaps because he had been ordered away from the conflict by St Ruth. With a heavy heart, he gathered the remnants of his defeated army and retreated toward Limerick
It was the bloodiest battle in Irish history, with almost 400 officers and at least 7,700 men, 5,000 Irish and 2,700 English killed, including Captain Sorley MacDonnell of Moye, whose father, James, was a close friend of Sarsfield. Some estimates claim as many as 9,000 casualties. In the early hours of 13 July, after a torrential rain during the night, the English, in savage fury, murdered more than 2,000 prisoners. It is said that the little stream at the base of the hill ran red with blood. The dead were stripped of their weapons and left unburied to rot. Packs of wild dogs took possession of the field, feeding on dead heroes for months. Some time after the battle, looking on Kilcommadan Hill from a distance, it appeared that a large flock of sheep were grazing there. But there were no sheep, only the bones of Irish sons and husbands.
The city of Galway surrendered shortly after the battle without a fight, and the Irish were forced to withdraw behind the walls of Limerick. The French fleet arrived too late to relieve the siege. One of the Jacobite officers who, in spite of being wounded, extricated his regiment from disaster, was Gilleasbuig Mhór MacDonell, Lord Murlough and Kilmore, Colkitto MacDonell’s eldest son, who served as a captain in Antrim’s regiment. Ultimately, the tragedy could not have been averted by any Irish, royalist or Catholic plan or action. Ireland had been crushed by international and ideological forces too great to resist. "The War of the Two Kings” was finally concluded by "The Treaty of Limerick,” signed after Sarsfield surrendered that last Irish stronghold on October 3, 1691. A clause of the treaty allowed Sarsfield to emigrate to France with some 10,000 of his soldiers. Another clause protected the estates of Alasdair MacDonnell, 3rd Earl of Antrim, but many of the regiment, including Daniel MacDonnell of Moye and his two sons, went into exile. Louis XIV had to recognize William as King of England, while James became “le roi Jacques,” without reference to what he was king of. Henry Luttrell was killed in Dublin a year later. Whether his death was murder, or an execution, is a matter of point of view. The Irish Brigade of the French Army was reduced to a quarter of its former size and some 12,000 Irishmen found themselves unemployed in a foreign land where none were concerned for their welfare. Sarsfield was mortally wounded two years later while fighting William again at Landen in Flanders. He is credited with the dying statement, “Oh, that this were for Ireland!”Many stories have come from this tragic milestone in Irish history. Brede Lohan, born and raised in Aughrim, but now living in Shannon, gave me this poem, which he attributes to Emily Lawless:
When Saxon’s s sons the scene of death
And robbery had fled,
An Irish wolfhound sought his lord
Mid heaps of pilfered dead.
And strove with more than human love
To rob death of its prize
Then moaned a dirge above his head
And kissed his lips and eyes.
When Autumn penciled Summers blooms
In tints of Gold and Red
And Winter over hill and dale
A ghostly mantle spread
The weird wind wailed across the moor
And moaned adown the dell
Yet guarded well that noble dog
His master where he fell.
Spring timidly was glancing down
Upon the corpse - strewn plain
Where seven months long sentinel
The faithful dog had lain
When carelessly across the moor
An English soldier trod
And paused beneath the only bones
Remaining on the sod.
Up sprang the faithful wolf dog
He knew a foe was near
And feared that foe would desecrate
The bones he loved so dear.
Fierce and defiant there he stood
The soldier seized with dread
Took aim and fired, the noble dog
Fell on his master dead.
Whig pamphleteer Forman, writing from Amsterdam in 1727, refers to the Irish regiments as “seasoned to dangers, and so perfected in the art of war, that not only the Sergeants and Corporals, but even the private men can make very good officers . . .” He goes on to comment on their victories against the Duke of Savoy in the 1702 affair of Cremona saying:
“They wrested Cremona out of the hands of Eugene, when by surprise, he had made himself master of all the town, except the Irish quarters, and saw the Marshal, Duke de Villeroy, his prisoner, who was taken by Colonel MacDonnell, an Irishman in the Emperor’s service. By that action, hardly to be paralleled in history, they saved the whole French army on that side of the Alps. . .”
Brian MacDonnell of Bonaborough in Leinster, son of Alexander, was another of Sarsfield’s faithful heroes, although he did not go to France either. He had been a tanner by trade and served as a Lieutenant in the Westmeath Volunteer Regiment of Infantry commanded by Colonel Thomas ÓToole. He had military training and skills from his family’s tradition as gallóglaigh, and put them to good use in America. A letter from Sarsfield to the English commander, the original of which may be seen in Trinity College Library, Dublin, shows that Brian was loyal to the Stuart cause to the bitter end:
Limerick, October 8, 1691
To George Clarke, secretary-at-war.Sir,
Be pleased to get general Ginkel’s pass for
the under named officers to go into the country to
dispose of what effects they have left there, and
to return with their arms, equipage, and servants,
and, you will oblige
your most humble servant, sir.
LUCAN
Lieutenant-colonel Birne and Captain Birne
captain Garrett Birne
* captain Bryan McDonnell
captain George Brenan
captain Thomas Bedford
captain John Birne
captain Bryan O'Neile
lieutenant Daniel Doyle
lieutenant Peter Byrne
ensign James Birne
* ensign Charles McDonnell
lieutenant Patrick Carroll
ensign Martin Murphy
ensign Peter Bath.It was a good time to leave Ireland, which was what the Sasunnaich wanted the native Irish to do, after all. Brian MacDonnell’s possession of his land grant in Delaware was the reason why he came to America in 1691, rather than being condemned to go to Austria with the “Wild Geese,” where he would have wandered the bickering countries of Europe until he shed his blood on some forgotten battlefield, buried in some nameless cemetery. Apparently followed to America by his younger brother Archibald, who was too young to fight at the Boyne or at Aughrim, Brian defeated English oppression in the only way possible. There is no information about Archibald’s wife, but she may well have been the first American born member of this sept of the MacDonnells. Brian and many of his comrades were immortalized by Emily Lawless:
War-battered dogs are we,
Fighters in every clime;
Fillers of trench and of grave,
Mockers bemocked by time.
War-dogs hungry and grey,
Gnawing a naked bone,
Fighters in every clime -
Every cause but our own.The majority of the rank and file of the rural population did not follow their chiefs into exile, however. They stayed in the primitive hovels to which they had been progressively relegated by the Norman tyrants, like barnacles on a ship’s hull. No longer able to rely on their patriarchs for compassion or for justice, they paid high rents to foreigners for their increasingly crude, one room shanties. The lucky ones were able to share their smoky abodes warmed by a peat fire, but no hearth or chimney, with a cow, a pig, or some chickens, while their half-naked children played and slept on the dirt floor in their animals’ dung. Some were less lucky and squatted in ditches, or built huts like birds’ nests of a few sticks and some straw, which the authorities usually removed once a year.
William of Orange wished to honor the treaty of Limerick, which provided that Catholics were to enjoy such rights of worship “as are consistent with the laws of Ireland, or as they did enjoy in the reign of King Charles II.” But the Protestant nobility in Ireland would not have it and William gave way. A series of anti-Catholic statutes were enacted, called the “Penal Laws,” that were to endure through the reign of George II.
Under these laws, Irish Catholics could not sit in Parliament, or vote in parliamentary elections. They were excluded from the bar, the bench, the university, the navy and all public bodies. They were forbidden to possess arms, or a horse worth more than £5. No Catholic could keep a school, or send his children to be educated abroad. Since Catholics were barred from buying or inheriting real property, almost all the remaining land still owned by Catholics passed into Protestant hands. By 1700, Protestants, who were never more than 20% of the population, owned 90% of the land. Any member of a Catholic family who became Protestant had special privileges. For instance, the eldest son, by becoming a Protestant, could deprive his Catholic father of the management and disposal of his property. Catholic bishops and other higher ecclesiastics were banished from the country and were liable to be hanged, drawn and quartered if they returned. A certain limited number of registered priests were permitted, but unregistered priests were subject to the same penalties as bishops. The intent was that, once the current generation of clergy died, no new ones could be trained and ordained.Randal MacDonnell, 4th Earl of Antrim (1680-1721), was suspected of “Jacobite conspiracy” in the political crisis of 1714-1715, but nothing was proved. His son, Alexander, 5th earl, was brought up as a Protestant by his uncle, 3rd Viscount Massereene.
In Ulster, Protestants enjoyed a privilege, called “The Ulster Custom” denied to Catholic Irishmen. This practice, which was never an actual statute, gave the tenant the right of occupancy. A Protestant tenant farmer who raised a crop, or urban worker who had improved his property, could sell his produce or his leasehold and generate cash for passage money for himself and his family across the Atlantic. The landlord could only stop the conveyance if he could show good cause, a provision intended to keep Protestant control of Ulster and to prohibit Catholics from buying their way back into the province.
But then the Sasunnaich determined that what had worked so well to suppress the Catholics, needed also to be applied to “dissenters,” who were now in the majority in Ulster and occupied many of the positions in government, be it Magistrate, Tax Collector or Postmaster. The “Test Acts” of 1704 and 1705 sought to establish the Anglican Church as the “official” church and to declare the Presbyterian Church “illegal.” The Leinster MacDonnells would have to give up their religion again for the sake of political correctness if they were to retain their property and positions. Presbyterian clergy could not perform marriage ceremonies and those previously married within the Presbyterian Church were declared to be living as fornicators. Presbyterians, like Catholics, could no longer hold any military or civil office, no matter how minor. In Londonderry, for instance, 10 of the 12 aldermen and 14 of the 24 burgesses were put out of office. This act of betrayal greatly angered Ulster Presbyterians, who had supported Cromwell and fought in the 1689 siege of Londonderry, but their only relief from tyranny was in flight. Once in America, many wrote to their families of the wonderful opportunities and unlimited land available to be wrested from the nomadic Indians. Thousands of Scots-Irish followed their pioneers so that by 1770, it was said, some 12,000 Ulstermen were reaching America each year. It was another hundred years before their Catholic neighbors were generally able to do the same. Be that as it may, at the outbreak of the American Revolution, fully one third of the American population were Gaelic.
In Ireland, by the 1840s, some 64% of the holdings in Connacht were smaller than five acres and nationwide, the potato constituted the sole source of food for about three million people. Catholic Ireland was reduced to living from the produce of a tiny rented potato bed. When “Phytophthora infestans” (potato blight) struck in 1845, the sole sustenance of all these people disappeared before their eyes. Crops that appeared healthy when dug, rapidly became moldy and disintegrated, leaving death by starvation, typhus, dysentery and cholera to accompany the frigid winter of 1846-47 as the precipitate cause of reducing the Irish population by more than 1,500,000 in ten years. In Protestant Ulster, the thriving linen manufacture, prohibited to Catholics, allowed the “Unionists” to survive by purchasing adequate food supplies from abroad at market prices. Almost the entire burden of the potato famine was born by the Catholic south, the ultimate result of 800 years of English greed, tyranny and sectarian genocide, leaving a heritage of tortured ghosts to join the “little people” as the guardian spirits of the Gaedhil. It was left to later generations of Irish heros, ÓConnell, Parnell, Pearse, Connolly, Markievicz, Tone and hundreds of others, including many MacDonnells, to lead the resurrection of the Celtic civilization.May we never taste of death nor quit this vale of tears
Until we see the English go begging down the years;
Packs on their backs to earn a penny pay,
In little leaking boots, as we went in our day.
Time has o’erthrown, the wind has blown away
Alexander, Caesar, such great names as they.
See Troy and Tara where in grass they lie -
So even the very English yet might die!
A 17th Century Gaelic Bard
Translated by Maire MacEnteeThe Penal Laws made it virtually impossible for most of the Catholic Irish to accumulate passage money to emigrate to America at this time. A Catholic tenant had no tenure and was at the mercy of his Protestant landlord. If the tenant raised crops, he was prohibited from selling them and if he improved the property, the landlord could remove him or raise the rent. For many Irish, potatoes were the only food they ever saw. Besides, English religious laws in the American colonies were as restrictive against Catholics as they were in Ireland. Their only viable option was to enlist in a regiment for service in Europe, where their Irish heritage was generally lost in a generation or so, absorbed by the entrenched cultures of their host countries.
The Sasunnaich did all they could to destroy the records of their atrocities. There are no official Diocesan records remaining of Tighearna Coille, in fact there are no parish records at all for the entire 17th Century for the Catholic Diocese of Dublin, which includes Wicklow. Betham’s Index to Irish Wills shows: “Alexander McDonnell, of Spinans, Donoghmore, Co. Wicklow, farmer 1687, I. p. 252.” This will was apparently destroyed in a Dublin fire. The area along the foot of the Wicklow Mountains was called “Clanndonnell Countrie” as late as 1641. Spynins Hill (or Spinans) is located in north Upper Talbotstown between the River Slanry and the Glen of Imale. The name Donoghmore is from the Gaelic Domhnach (Holy Place), and Mhór (Great), or Great Holy Place. This name appears in fourteen places in Ireland. Another will listed in Betham’s Index was that of Owen MacDonnell of Kailebeg (north of Spinans), gentleman of 1663 (I, p. 95).In 1892, Hercules Henry Graves MacDonnell, an accomplished Dublin solicitor and published author, published a 46 page account of the descendants of the MacDonnells of Tynekill (sic), who had been brought up as Protestants since the time of James MacDonnell, 7th of Leinster. James was a Catholic Confederate leader who had died in 1661, having lost all in the service of his country and his religion. Hercules was the third son of the Rev. Richard MacDonnell, Provost of Trinity College Dublin from 1852 until his death in 1867. We found a copy of this work at the Royal Irish Academy, which had been donated in 1934 by Lord Moyne. But Sir Walter FitzGerald, in his 1905 article for the Co. Kildare Archaeological Society, refers to a 75 page account by Hercules, with the same title, published in 1897 by a different publisher. In the earlier edition, Hercules tells us that James' heir, Fergus, 8th of Leinster, moved to Wicklow c.1690 where he leased the farm of Coolavina or Coolavin, an estate of more than 398 acres. The baptisms of his twin sons, John and Thomas, were entered in the Church of Ireland Register of Wicklow in 1699. In the Appendix to the later edition of Hercules' work, Coolavin is said to have been located a quarter mile north of Newrath Bridge and lay between the Dublin road and the "Broad Lough," or long tidal water that runs for three or four miles close along the shore and next to the railway from Wicklow. On the 1838 Ordnance Map, there is a house marked as the "Old Mill" next to the stream from Newrath Bridge which apparently was the farm occupied by Fergus in 1690, and held by his son Charles and their descendants until 1844. The two adjoining townlands are called "Tinakilly."
Fergus' eldest son, Charles, 9th of Leinster, who married Mary Hall, daughter of Richard Hall of Newtown Mount Kennedy, had his son, Francis, baptized in Wicklow in 1727, and his son Richard (named after his maternal grandfather) baptized in 1729, as well as others down to 1741. Charles left Co. Wicklow in 1747 and moved to Baytown, Barony of Dunboyne, Co. Meath. It was told in the family that Charles went to London to "seek for some favor or redress from the king himself." Another version asserts that he lost his property or interest in Coolavin and lost a lawsuit to recover it in Wicklow, whereupon he appealed to the courts in London. Hercules H G MacDonnell, a noted solicitor himself, contended it was more likely that his suit was for the forfeited property in Laois, and other records indicate that members of the family continued to reside in Wicklow until 1845. Hercules reports only that Charles filed a suit in the Irish Court of Exchequer, that an appeal was made to the House of Lords in 1739, and that the final decision was against him. At the time of Hercules' writing, the records of the House of Lords were not accessible, not yet having been arranged and indexed. Hercules did not know if Charles ever actually had an interview with the king, although he thought it possible. Charles did bring back a favorable impression of the courtesy he received in London, since he named one of his sons George, after the king. Charles' first wife, Mary, died in 1758. Charles married again in 1760 to Mary Begg, but had no issue. Charles died May 7, 1767 and was buried at Kilbride.
Charles' eldest son, Francis, 10th of Leinster, continued to reside at Baytown until 1793. He died June 8, 1807 leaving several children, but Hercules H G MacDonnell does not list them. Rather he reports that, as of 1892, there were no surviving representatives of Francis' line. We have no information confirming the exhaustion of this senior line of the MacDonnells of Leinster however and, in fairness, it should be noted that by asserting the demise of Francis' progeny, Hercules has a conflicting interest, in that his father, Richard, would then be the progenitor of the new senior line. The obvious and fair solution to this quandary brought about entirely by the false and alien pretensions of feudalism, is to elect the best qualified of the surviving Leinster MacDonnells to be chief
Richard, 2nd son of Charles, 9th of Leinster, settled in Peacockstown, near Ratoath, Co. Meath, where he married a daughter of Captain Sandys. Nearby was the residence of Mr Lowther, M.P., who was known as "Father of the Irish House of Commons." His friendship with Richard led him to procure a Revenue appointment in the City of Cork for Richard's eldest son Robert. Richard MacDonnell died in 1805 in his son's house in Cork.
In Cork, Robert married Susanna Nugent of Ardmore, Co. Waterford, on August 27, 1786. She was a granddaughter of Alderman Gillett of Youghal. Robert's eldest son, Richard, was born June 10, 1787. Robert prospered for most of his life but, due to the sudden loss of value of his properties after the fall of Napoleon, along with many others, he died in Dublin, an impoverished and disappointed man, on February 23, 1821. For many years, he resided at Westgrove, later called High Park, near Douglas, and later at Ballindeary, near Cork, between Carigaline and Oyster Haven. His widow died in her son's house, Knocklyon, Co. Dublin, November 30, 1836.
Robert's son Richard obtained a fellowship in Trinity College, Dublin, at the unusually early age of twenty-one. On January 26, 1810 he married Jane, daughter of the Very Rev. Richard Graves, Dean of Ardagh. They had nine sons and five daughters. Richard earned his LLD in 1813, which he later gave up when he took Holy Orders. In 1814 Richard signed the Petition in favor of Catholic Emancipation. He was made professor of Oratory in 1816, and of Mathematics in 1820. In 1825 he published advanced views on Reforms In Academic Education, which were adopted over time. December 30, 1851 he was appointed Provost of T.C.D. by the Earl of Clarendon, then Lord Lieutenant, and served from 1852 until he died, January 24, 1867, governing the college in his firm and impartial manner. He is interred in the vaults of Trinity College Chapel.
Sir Richard Graves MacDonnell (1814 - 1881), KCMG, CB, the provost's second son, was a throwback to the lords of The Isles in more ways than one. Not only did he have the yellow hair that would earn him the appellation "Buidhe," but his spirit led him to the governance of British colonies around the world, with competence and style, including Gambia, St Lucia, St Vincent, South Australia, Nova Scotia and Hong Kong. Richard was knighted by the Queen at Buckingham Palace November 28, 1855. Rev. Richard MacDonnell's other eight sons included another member of the Bar, two members of the clergy and three military officers, the youngest of whom was Major General Arthur Robert MacDonnell, RE and JP.
Charles MacDonnell, apparently an heir of the senior line of the MacDonnells of Leinster, wrote in his diary, titled “Diary Of A German Diplomat,” that he was born in Wicklow in the 1820s and inherited a family estate so burdened with debt that he sold it and entered Austrian service c.1845. He was made aide-de-camp to another Irishman, Count Nugent, and was himself made a count and took up residence in Rome. And so, in a very real sense, The MacDonnells of Leinster were also victims of "The Potato Famine," which event so impoverished Ireland as to discourage anyone from living there.
Still, in 1860, Charles MacDonnell returned to Ireland to recruit a new Irish brigade to defend the Papal States against Garibaldi. A Dubliner wrote of him: “If ever chivalrous devotion to a fallen cause was personified it was in this loyal and brave-hearted gentleman.” Charles took 1,800 recruits to Italy but, five months later, the Papal army collapsed and the surviving Irish were sent home.
Three years later, the count stumbled upon a library in the village of Frascati, near Rome, that had been established by Henry, Cardinal of York, last of the princes of the Royal Stuarts. Upon the death of his brother, Prince Charles Stuart, Henry had commissioned medals to be struck which declared, “Henry IX, by the Grace of God, but not by the will of men, King of England, France, Scotland and Ireland, Defender of the Faith.” Once the Bishop of Frascati, at his death, Henry bequeathed his library to the college in the town, directing that it should be always accessible to the public. Charles MacDonnell whiled away a summer translating Henry’s rare and poignant diary, seated day after day in the same chair that had been occupied, fifty years previously, by the crownless heir of three kingdoms.
Meanwhile, in 1883, the British government demolished Charles MacDonnell's home, retaining only the name, and built a manor on the site for Captain Robert Halpin, captain of The Great Eastern, who had laid 2,600 miles of telegraph cable across the Atlantic in 1866. William and Bee Power purchased the estate in the late 20th Century, renovated it, and established a well known luxury hotel, which still bears a corrupted version of the name, although the present owners are ignorant of its source. Both Charles and Henry are fading memories but, even so, the MacDonnells of Leinster continue their unbroken succession from the lords of The Isles in Free Ireland.This is the family that the Lord Lyon now claims are not qualified to represent Clan Donald as chief.
Trinity College Campanile, Dublin
In 2001, this writer, searching for the seat of my ancestors, and having obtained no information from Wicklow’s historical society, was driving out of town, planning to continue my search in Talbotstown. I glanced to my right and spied a discreet sign which I thought had brought all my research together. Directly across the road, on my left, was an ancient Irish cemetery, its church long gone, apparently victim to Cromwell’s roundheads. Not knowing what I might find, I brazenly drove up the long, impressive drive toward the grove of trees at the top of the hill. I found that the grove shaded an elegant small hotel. The manager gave me permission to take photographs, but a later e-mail to the owner, Mr. Powers, went unanswered. Nevertheless, I was confident that our heritage was found. But our story is more complex than I thought, new doors continued to open, and the search went on.
Having received an article on the MacDonnells of Tynekill (sic) from their 1905 journal, sent to me by The County Kildare Archaeological Society, I discovered the existence of a book written by Hercules Henry Graves MacDonnell in the late 19th Century which had been used as a source by the author of the article, Sir Walter FitzGerald. So, in 2006, I went to Ireland to photograph Tighearna Coille and to look for HHG MacDonnell's 75 page account. I found a 46 page edition of the work at The Royal Irish Academy in Dublin, which had been donated in 1934 by Lord Moyne. Then, in September, I received an e-mail from Ian MacDonnell of Melbourne, Australia, telling me that a mutual friend, Ron Mathews, of Port Arlington, in Co. Laois, had told him of me, and that we had missed each other at Tighearna Coille by one day. As it turned out, Ian had the later 75 page version of Hercules' work which he e-mailed to me, so that now we have it all. Its relevant content has been analyzed and posted to this website, so that, hopefully, the information will not be lost again. Next, in November, 2006, I received an e-mail from P. J. Goode in Dublin, telling me that he had found a volume of "Celtica" in a Dublin bookstore which, in an article written by Anne ÓSullivan, described and analysed "The Tinnakill Duanaire," discussed above. Since then, we have been working to acquire a copy of this document, which will add significantly to the saga. ÓSullivan also refers to another document we did not know about, the 1631"Ostend Duanaire," written for Captain Somhairle MacDonnell of Antrim while he served with the Antrim Regiment in Flanders. This should be our next inquiry, as our quest to recover our heritage goes on.
Built in 1883 on the probable site of the estate of the MacDonnell governors of WicklowTinakilly House Hotel, Wicklow
Breathes there the man, with soul so dead,
Who never to himself hath said,
This is my own, my native land!
Whose heart hath ne’er within him burn’d,
As home his footsteps he hath turn’d,
From wandering on a foreign strand!
If such there breathe, go, mark him well;
For him no Minstrel raptures swell;
High though his titles, proud his name,
Boundless his wealth as wish can claim;
Despite those titles, power, and pelf,
The wretch, concentred all in self,
Living, shall forfeit fair renown,
And, doubly dying, shall go down
To the vile dust, from whence he sprung,
Unwept, unhonour’d, and unsung.
Sir Walter Scott
From the Lay of the Last Minstrel
The Wood Of Glendalough
Patrick Sarsfield
Earl of Lucan
(1650-1693)


The victory was William’s but, relieved of James’ incompetence and cowardice, the Jacobite army successfully withdrew to carry on the war, with some French help, for another year in Ireland. However, The Battle of the Boyne forced them onto the defensive and to a new defensive line on the Shannon, where they attempted to preserve the bulk of Catholic owned estates lying west of the river. The Jacobites thereby gave up Dublin and all the eastern seaports, effectively losing the commercial and industrial base of the country. Protestant “Orange Men” in Ulster still celebrate July 11 as a great patriotic holiday when “King Billy slew the papish crew, at The Battle of Boyne Water.”
Battle of The Boyne - Main Jacobite Position, where the Antrim Regiment fought

River Boyne from the site of the Williamite camp, Co. Louth

Carrickfergus Castle, Co. Antrim

